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By Jürgen Habermas

El concepto de "presuposición idealizante" ocupa un lugar destacado en los angeles construcción de l. a. "teoría de l. a. acción comunicativa". En este ensayo, que constituye una importante aportación a su teoría, Habermas explica y desarrolla este concepto, reinterpretándolo, a los angeles luz de su análisis pragmático-formal, como una versión de las "ideas" kantianas una vez liberadas de su sentido transcendental. El texto ofrece una explicación genealógica de los vínculos que unen el planteamiento kantiano con cuatro presuposiciones pragmáticas inevitables en los angeles acción comunicativa: un mundo objetivo común, los angeles responsabilidad de los sujetos racionales, los angeles validez incondicional de las pretensiones de verdad y de corrección normativa, y l. a. necesaria dependencia de justificación discursiva. Habermas destaca que los angeles "inevitabilidad" de estas presuposiciones en los angeles acción comunicativa debe entenderse más en el sentido de Wittgenstein que en el de Kant, es decir, no en el sentido trascendental de las condiciones universales y necesarias de l. a. experiencia posible, sino en el sentido gramatical de un sistema de lenguaje y un mundo de los angeles vida en el que nos hemos socializado y que, en cualquier caso, "para nosotros" es insuperable. A l. a. luz de esos nexos genealógicos se hacen patentes los puntos cruciales en los que l. a. filosofía analítica ha rechazado los angeles herencia de las "ideas" de los angeles razón pura de Kant. Pero, a su vez, mediante un análisis que examina los angeles crítica de Frege al psicologismo, el principio de caridad interpretativa de Davidson, los angeles recepción crítica de Wittgenstein por parte de Dummett, y l. a. concepción del entendimiento como un intercambio discursivo de razones que propone Brandom, Habermas muestra que l. a. tradición analítica acaba llegando a unas descripciones normativas de l. a. práctica lingüística muy similares a las de su pragmática formal, de raíces confesadamente kantianas.

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50-51. , Amenhotep the Third), thy father, which he wrote to me, Tiy, the great wife of Nimmuria, the beloved, thy mother, she knows all about them. Enquire of Tiy, thy mother, about all the words of thy father, which he spake to me . " "All the words together which I discussed with thy father, Tiy, thy mother, knows them all; and no one else knows them. . 28) 40 It is likely that the messages addressed to him by foreign kings and by vassals were first read by her, and not handed over to him without ample comments about the intentions of their writers, whom she had learnt to know through and through and to tackle with all the shrewdness of a diplomat.

1924), p. 95. Arthur Weigall: Life and Times of Akhnaton (New and Revised Edit. 1922), pp. 168-170. Tutankhamen and Other Essays (Edit. 1923), p. 82. James Baikie: The Amarna Age (Edit. 1926), p. 251. 48 Commandments that Moses was one day to give his wandering Israelites in the name of their tribal deity. 2 The data concerning the construction of the earliest temple to Aton, and the whole of the monarch’s reign up to his sixth year, do not point to such a religious conception. Therefore the writers conclude that the king did not know his own mind before the sixth year of his reign, or at least that his faith evolved after that period in the sense of a more and more rigorous monotheism.

However, it makes little difference whose daughter Nefertiti actually was. To history, she remains Akhnaton’s beloved consort. It is curious to observe that her beauty, revealed in her famous limestone portrait-busts-the loveliest masterpieces of Egyptian sculpture--has made her far more widely known than her great husband to the modern European public at large. It is probable that the idyllic love that was to bind the prince and his consort together all through their years began long before their actual connubial life.

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