By Noam Chomsky
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Retail ePub of booklet 2 of three within the sequence (I am importing all 3). Enjoy!
On a chilly day in January, President-elect Kerry Kilcannon takes the oath of office—and inside of days makes his first, most vital stream: appointing a brand new leader Justice of the ultimate courtroom. Kilcannon's selection is a feminine pass judgement on with an excellent checklist. And a mystery.
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Additional resources for After the Cataclysm: Postwar Indochina and the Reconstruction of Imperial Ideology (The Political Economy of Human Rights, Volume 2)
On the other executions, the Court was split 7 to 4. S. Uniform Code of Military Justice requires unanimity of a court-martial for sentencing to death and a ~ majority for confinement for more than ten years. (Minnear, 91-2) Keeping solely to the Tokyo Tribunal itself, of the 25 defendants, seven were condemned to death by hanging, two died during the trial, and six more died in prison (31, 172); Prime Minister Konoe committed suicide when he learned of his arrest (105). Of the many procedural inadequacies of the Tribunal, perhaps the most striking is that no neutral Justices were appointed (let alone Japanese), but only representatives of countries allied against Japan, including one Justice who was a survivor of the Bataan death march (76-82).
War are also regularly exploited by western commentators who point to the extraordinary difficulties in reconstructing some kind of existence from the wreckage as proof of Communist iniquity. These partial victories are important. S. benevolence, always a crucial element in imperial ideology, it is necessary to preserve in the popular mind the Big Lie that the United States was indeed engaged in "defense against aggression," as was constantly proclaimed by Dean Rusk, Arthur Schlesinger, and other propagandists.
To cite another example, consider the Op-Ed by Charles Peters, editor-in-chief of the liberal muckraking journal Washington Monthly in the New York Times (24 October 1977). He is The Setting 13 concerned to "heal the terrible wound that [the war] left with us" by finding "some common ground" between the "left" and the "right," both of whom must concede that they were in part wrong. The error of the right was "that the massive escalation in 1965 was wrong and that the effort to bomb the North Vietnamese into submission was stupid"; "we began to go wrong in 1965 with our campaign of mass slaughter against the Vietnamese.